Farewells To American Culture, Work And Competition
Lester Thurow,
Head To Head, Warner Books: (N.Y., 1992.)
Robert B. Reich, The Work Of Nations, Vintage: (N.Y., 1992.)
John Kenneth Galbraith, The Culture Of Contentment, Houghton
Mifflin. (Boston, 1992.)
David Cook
Three men in a sinking boat, having traveled far and wide, even to the
'Orient', provide a triptych of the 'recline' of the American empire. A
combination of a call to arms coupled with a nostalgic farewell to arms where
the trusted and true signifiers 'culture', 'work' and 'competition' stage a last
fading appearance against the red shift of the technoscape. It is a little like
Hopper's main street America after the throughway has by passed the town leaving
the old men on the porch wistfully discussing the glories of last season.
Virtual nostalgia for the virtuous.
In each writer the recuperative moment varies according to the remnants of
the modern tradition that are used as the saving grace. With Thurow it is the
exhortation to become Nietzsche's 'Good Europeans', or Americans or Japanese if
you prefer, with Reich it is the fear of abandonment by the Kantian
'Cosmopolitan Universal Symbolic Analyst', or with Galbraith it is the sated
'Hobbesian man' who has found 'commodious living' and has no desire to go
forward to the glorious revolution.
All this played out against a screen that each writer agrees to: first that,
in Galbraith's words, the vast majority of America is constituted by a
'Functional Underclass' that is becoming less functional; second that American
dominance is only assured in the military; and third that the dynamo of all
relations is that of the technological operator that successfully challenges the
existing social and economic order of worker, corporation and nation. Hence the
threat of disappearance of America and the recuperative strategies to sustain an
American world order which is fast following its alter image, Reagan's 'evil
empire', into a virtual fantasy land.
Thurow comes right out of the pages of Nietzsche's On The Genealogy Of
Morals as the vivisectionist whose (pre)description for the future
concerns the creation of the 'beast' (perhaps no longer blond) of the 'Good
European'. As if to underscore the necessity of this sociobiology engineering,
Thurow begins the reprint of the paper edition with the following written in
1993.
"In the long run, Europe will be successful, however, if everyone
comes to realize that becoming a European is not equivalent to becoming a
German or a Frenchman. To be German, one must cease to be English. But no
European now exists. It is a beast that has yet to be genetically engineered.
When engineered, it will not require an either/or choice. One will be able to
be an Englishman and a European. European is not a nationality. Everyone in
Europe will also contribute some important genetic material that will be used
to create this new beast." (p. x)
Naturally this genetic engineering will, in Thurow's
opinion, require a concomitant reengineering of values in line with the
technological requirements of the creation of the competitive block. For the
middle and eastern Europeans "Basic attitudes about fairness will have to
change" (p. 97) acknowledging the projected growth in inequalities and the
unstated creation of an underclass governed by technological demands. Thurow
also signals the demise of the will in the willing not to will of the
technological spectral 'competition'; a competition that is itself more virtual
(technological) than real.
Hence, the Japanese, as befitting Thurow's revitalized social Darwinism, have
gone beyond good and evil, in that their "secret is to be found in the fact that
they have tapped a universal human desire to build, to belong to an empire, to
conquer neighboring empires, and to become the world's leading economic power."
(p.118) Thurow then goes on providing his list of 'world historical figures',
not the consumers but the "the conquerors, the builders, the producers ? Caesar,
Genghis Khan, Rockefeller, Ford." (p.119) It is on this basis that Thurow's
argument carries him naturally from the underclass to the necessity of the
ruling class drawn on Nietzsche's 'overmen': "What America lacks is genuine,
old-style capitalists ? those big investors of yesteryear who often invented the
technologies they were managing and whose personal wealth was inextricably
linked to the destiny of their giant companies. It misses them. Men like Henry
Ford; Thomas J. Watson, of IBM; and J.P. Morgan were at the heart of the system
that produced the greatest economic power and the highest standard of living in
history." Thus following Thurow where is Genghis Khan when you need him, or for
that matter Clinton?
Of course, Thurow's Nietzschean turn is more reflective of the ressentiment
that accompanies the realization that the American individual and the American
economy are "floating" in a world economy where the appropriation of process
technologies, notably by the Japanese, has replaced the romantic, world
historical inventor of new products at the core of economic change. The
processed world floats in the technological space that creates the screen for
the virtual space of 'competition' Thurow circulates in his call for recombinant
new beasts ? new beasts which will have high technology body parts at a minimum.
Robert Reich's recoding of Smith's Wealth Of Nations has at
least the virtue to follow through more consistently on the logic of the
technological class that is at the core of transforming each of the
institutional structures of the postcapitalist economic state. Here one enters
most explicitly into the inner logic of extermination of the local bounded space
by the hyperspace of technique. This gives rise to the technological universal
citizen that Reich approaches as the schizoid embodiment of alterity; a
disappearing corporeal existence (work or labour) set into circulation in the
'floating world' of symbolic manipulators. Thus Reich's America and America's
'work' force, whether explicitly recognized or not, are disappearing and he is
out to save it.
Hence the paradox of Reich's retrieval set against the core of Reich's
analysis which is the (pre)description of the trend towards the disappearance of
what he calls the 'national idea'.
"There will be no national products or technologies, no national
corporations, no national industries. There will be no longer be national
economies, at least as we have come to understand that concept. " (p.3)
What is left are transnational global knowledge webs (that
is no longer property based corporations per se) and large holding areas of
labour identified with nation states or trading areas. These labour encampments
contain in turn 'workers' in three classes: "routine production services, in
person services, and symbolic-analytic services." (p.174) Of these categories
the first is completely fungible (clonal) with any other labour source and hence
is consigned to permanent 'poverty', the second being more site specific is
marginally better off but going nowhere (homeostasis), leaving only the third as
the skilled technical class created by the rich but whose future Reich sees in
terms of the universal, transnational economy.
It is the class of symbolic-analysts who, representing according to Reich
about 20% of the work force, are in the process of seceding from the nation (p.
282) ? an ironic reversal of the civil war. These are the destroyers of the
"economic interdependence that Tocqueville observed in the nineteenth century"
(p.250) becoming instead the 'cosmopolitan man or woman'. Precisely then as
Kantian citizens in the postmodern age they pass over to the 'darker side':
"Here we find the darker side of cosmopolitanism. For without strong
attachments and loyalties extending beyond the family and friends, symbolic
analysts may never develop the habits and attitudes of social responsibility.
They will be world citizens, but without accepting or even acknowledging any
obligation that citizenship in a polity normally implies. " (p.309)
Having made the case for the disappearance of Tocqueville, and Tocqueville's
America Reich then magically brings him back. "What is being lost in this debate
is a third, superior position: a positive economic nationalism, in which each
nation's citizens take responsibility for enhancing the capacities of their
countrymen for full and productive lives, but who also work with other nations
to ensure that these improvements do not come at other's expense. " ( p. 311)
Here one has come full circle back to the world of Kantian bucolic universal
peace with a concomitant belief that technology may hold the promise of morality
as well as progress. Here, however, the peaceable kingdom is the simulated realm
of virtual systems that operate beyond the nexus of worker/capitalist.
Nonetheless, there is more than a little irony in Reich's role as Secretary
of Labor. Reich is, in essence, the chief shop steward of a the Union of
Disappearing American Workers; now orchestrating the sacrifice/dispersion of
America for the world. Reich pressed after a recent budgetary strategy commented
that the federal budget initiatives have in the end mainly only psychological
impact. A conjurers budget perfectly suited to the chameleon nature of the
Clinton program.
With Galbraith we reach the height of America in recline where culture
following that of work, competition and the individual passes into the world of
early retirement. Galbraith's 'Hobbesian man' has tired of the self interested
pursuit of power after power. Having achieved the fruits of power and authority
the pursuit of happiness is now successfully realized, at least for the
'fortunate', in contentment. Galbraith is then the first complete liberal
playing out the final logic of the classical political economy of desire where
desire finds its end in contentment.
"The larger point is not in doubt: the fortunate and the favored,
it is more than evident, do not contemplate and respond to their own
longer-run well-being. Rather they respond, and powerfully, to immediate
comfort and contentment. This is the controlling mood. And this is so not only
in the capitalist world as it is stilled called; a deeper and more general
human instinct is here involved. " (p. 7)
But Galbraith discovers a more than just a dubious basic
instinct in contentment for it is as well a 'controlling mood'. This postmodern
mood Galbraith sees appearing in the devaluation of politics, the creation of
the functional underclass, the continued maintenance of property or bailouts
like the savings and loans scandal; the disappearance of the signifiers of
modern America all now as controlling factors that undermine democracy.
"{The power of contentment} operates under the compelling cover of
democracy, albeit a democracy not of all the citizens but of those who, in
defense of their social and economic advantage, actually go to the polls. The
result is government that is accommodated not to reality or common need but to
the beliefs of the contented, who are now the majority of those who vote." (p.
10)
But as we know from Hobbes, desire's twin is fear; together
desire/fear create the alternating currents of Galbraith's liberal America. With
the satisfaction of desire (contentment) comes the growth of the military and
the private security industry. The controlling mood is one of violence and
force. As both Galbraith and Reich note private security has the highest rate of
increase in the 'service' sector. America then as a screen for the play of the
military role that remains America's 'comparative advantage'. Again Galbraith on
democracy which serves as "the rood screen, perhaps more precisely the altar,
behind which the modern military-industrial complex enjoys its self-generated
and self serving autonomy." (p.138) Here there is no redemption for Galbraith
for he has taken liberalism to the moment of its exhaustion leaving only
violence and fear ? except for the wistful nostalgia of those who see their own
culture of contentment bleeding in front of them.
The recuperative moments of Reich, Thurow and Galbraith all wish to save
America by recoding with modern signifiers whose eclipse they have documented.
In America there are no longer, if there ever was, 'Good Americans', or
'Tocquevillean citizens', or the 'fortunate' who are going to look to the
future. America is in the process of disappearing, dispersed across the world in
a continuing sacrificial spiral. America now reengineering itself via a
technological processes that creates the culture, work, competition and self
that is no longer 'made in America' or made anywhere other than in technological
space and whose future may well be played out in the only realm that America
still holds the edge ? violence both inside and outside the nation.
David Cook is co-author of The Postmodern Scene and
Panic Encyclopedia. He teaches political philosophy at Scarborough
College, University of Toronto. Toronto, Ontario, Canada.